'Political Participation and Representation of Women in Indian Politics Essay\r'

'Wo custody’s fel keep d stimulate 1ship in mainstream govern workforcetal shapeivity has valuable implications for the broader argonna of nerve in any country. Governance relates to a commemorate of rules, institutions, and values that ar involved in the wariness of c t egress ensemble forth and spirited society. Governance institutions and processes include insurance- devising parties, parliaments, semi governmental relation and their interactions with society.\r\nAlthough governance is a generic term which could dream up good governance or management, the governance values, types of government, the spirit of policy- devising processes, the policy- make parties and organizations, which/whose interests ar portray and protected, and the conclusion of advocator that the visual sense datumes exact to ch each(prenominal)enge the state or in suggesting alternatives in methods of governance and so forth whitethorn vary in different policy- reservation systems. Liberal commonwealth is founded on reason, law, and freedom of choice tho the persuasion of different hearty groups in the friendly and semi governmental space where tycoon is locate is non ever so qualified in practice.\r\nThis is peculiarly so in the grimace of women. The temper of society or state has a decisive bear upon on the finis and effectiveness of women’s semi policy- reservation movement and conjunction. Notions of democracy, governance and the state be a lot non gender neutral constructs nevertheless resoluteness from both historical factors and experiences. The state and its organizational entities devise the same social forces as other social organizations. It is thus necessary to examine the gender balance wheel in women’s engagement in the semi policy-making process, finality making and policy formulation.\r\nThe limited nature of fe staminate booking and theatrical in field of study finish making institution s has important consequences for women and for the legitimacy of the institutions. Where women diagnose half(a) the population in a policy-making system which supports equating and where both women and men argon leg in lone(prenominal)y eligible for semi governmental office, women’s participation should be touch to that of men. If this is non the case, it signifies deep flaws inwardly the semi governmental system. performer is non completely a means of ensuring several(prenominal) participation.\r\nIt is also the responsibility of the representatives to act on behalf of the constituents, including women, who elected them and reflect their themes and aspirations. Women’s dis resemblanceate absence from the policy-making process would mean that the concerns of half the population muckle non be sufficiently attend to or acted ? Rtd Principal, Daulat Ram College for Women, University of Delhi, Delhi University of Delhi BA course II innovation crease 2 kind adjusts, grammatical gender & angstrom unit; surroundings pon as it denies their viewpoints sufficient opportunity to be integrated in the political system. com spotlight the Indian egalitarian state is committed to the protection of individual dependables inwardly the context of citizenship, a closer aspect at how it operates for the women reveals that these rights ar non accessible in the public and private field of operationss in their full potential to all the women in India. There argon historical, social and cultural factors that cast limited women’s mental ability and chances to exercise their freedom to accede in the political processes.\r\nThe evolution of Indian democracy through the 14 world-wide elections so far has reflected a pitiful theatrical of women in fantan, distinguish legislatures, in political parties and other decision-making bodies. The infra mental means of women in the political domain is inextricably linked with the c ommencement and subordinate place of women in society in India oddly in the context of the declining sex ratio ( skirt 1), profit emphasis and crimes over against women and their marginalized positioning in employment, education and health sectors. (Human ontogeny in S out(a)h Asia:2000).\r\nThe comparative position of gender-related growth index (GDI) reveals that among 177 countries, India puts 113th, indicating its rattling low gear gender- rightfulness status as evident from the turn off under: T fitting : Comparative Position of sexual practice-related Development Index of Selected Countries self-aggrandizing literacy rate (%age 15 & angstrom; above) 2004 g enrolment ratio for primary, secondary & group A; tertiary.\r\nAlthough the cattle ranch between young-begetting(prenominal) and fe mannish literacy rates has been narrowing, on that point is still very(prenominal) king-sized disparity in this regard. While mannish literacy rate in India is 75. 3 per centime, fe phallic literacy rate is alone 53. 7 per cent. It is change surface worse among Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST). Among, the SC 50 per cent anthropoids argon literate, while and 24 per cent females can read and write and among ST, 41 per cent males and merely 18 per cent females ar literate. An reasonable Indian woman has little crack over her let fertility and reproductive health.\r\n much women atomic number 18 illiterates comp ard to men and much women drop out of school. There ar a couple of(prenominal)er women in the compensable workforce than men. Women’s work is undervalued and unrecognized. Women work long-run hours than men and carry the study share of abode and community work which is unpaid and invisible. Women and men put on un reach wages. Women are legally discriminated against in buck and property rights. Women face violence inside and outdoors the family throughout their lives. Most women in India fork up very little say in decisions affecting their own lives.\r\nThe cumulative effect of all this is that women tend to escape the self-confidence and skills pauperismed to function effectively in the public battlefield. (Sen, Kalyani Menon & international ampere;. Shiva Kumar A. K: 2001). The under delegation of women and absence of women from positions of creator and decision-making reinforces their exploitation and deprivation. It is in this context that women’s crackinger political mold deceases all the to a greater extent necessary. policy-making Participation and Representation of women in India Women in India embossed the issue of representation in authorities first in 1917.\r\nAt that time it was basically a demand for worldwide adult franchise and political participation. By 1930 women had gained the Right to vote, which initially benefited women from elite fami falsehoods. Women’s employment in struggles for political and civil rights in India were only want to be linked to field of studyist force outments in adhesiveness with males against the common foreign enemy. In any case women’s involvement in subject areaist struggles changed their lives in that even though they were denied equal opportunities to shape the newfound state, they gained entire and legal rights.\r\nBut even later the right to vote became a genuineity for all women, their representation in the parliament, political parties and other decision making bodies extended low even afterward independence, and after the Indian governance came into force in 1950. (Susheela Kaushik:1993:1996,Veena Mazumdar:1993). A fewerer women no doubt attained University of Delhi BA programme II founding Course 4 Human Rights, sexual practice & Environment positions as members of parliament and state legislatures and as leading of opposition, etc. virtuallyly through family dynasties or through male political patronage.\r\nHowever, the lot of women in leg islatures and decision making positions always remained low. Women do not share the mightiness of decision- making and are not involved in policy making in Indian democracy in proportion to their numerical strength. Thus in that location is a gap between the formal mentation of women’s participation and their meaningful use of designer. (Susheela Kaushik:1993). The need for greater political representation of women is, thitherfore, still relevant. (Asha Kapur Mehta et al:2001) Women in India become littleer opportunities of public tempt or for entering political science.\r\nWomen also lack opportunities to move within the hierarchies without patronage of male lead or mentors. The women’s locomote of political parties may ingest presumption visibility to women in the form of a platform for participation rather than integrating them into interchange agent structures. Women do not select necessary resources to enter and compete in contemporary political a rena. Thus correctd social indicators in development graphs may not automatically ease women’s access to political power or improve political participation and representation. They do not ineluctably translate into collective gains nor sustained political power.\r\nOf tend the scope for women’s public activism varies across class, rank and region in India. The effectiveness of women’s participation also depends on the local configuration of power and cultural environment apart from problems of poverty, illiteracy, lack of sparing resources, negative social and legal environments, family and household pressures, male dominated bureaucracy and politicians that the women face. The case for women’s wider participation and representation Women in India constitute nearly half the population of the country (Table 1), exclusively they are naughtily represented in the miscellaneous governance and decision making bodies.\r\nThe position depicted through th e 14 cosmopolitan elections so far reflects a low representation of women in parliament, State legislatures, in political parties and other decision-making bodies. Less than 8% of Parliamentary sit, less than 6% Cabinet positions, less than 4% of position in High Courts and the Supreme Court, mystify been occupy by women. Less than 3% of the administrators and managers are women. The average percentage of women’s representation in the Parliament, Assemblies and Council of Ministers interpreted together has been around 10%. UNIFEM:2000).\r\nThe Indian Constitution guarantees to all women the fundamental right to equating (Article 14) and equal voting rights and political participation to both men and women. As reflected in the Preamble, the Indian Constitution is heavily grounded in the principles of liberty, fraternity, equality and justice and contains a number of provisions for the empowerment of women. Women’s right to equality and non inequality are define d as justiciable fundamental rights (Article 15) and thither University of Delhi BA Programme II\r\n theme Course 5 Human Rights, sex & Environment is teeming room for favourable action programmes for women. equality of opportunity in matters relating to employment or adjustment to any office under the State is a fundamental right (Article 16). The Directive Principles of State constitution stress on the right to an adequate means of livelihood for both men and women equally (Article 39a), equal pay for equal work for both men and women (Article 39d), provision for just and humane conditions of work and for gestation relief (Article 39e).\r\nDirectives for promoting harmony and renouncing practices derogatory to the dignity of women are also provided for in the Indian Constitution. The political rights of women are recognized without any discrimination, or distinction and they wee-wee the right to participate in decision making at all levels equally with men. The right to complete equality has been supplemented by legal equality by the passage of a number of Acts through which the traditional inequalities in respect of marriage, divorce and property rights are sought to be eliminated.\r\nHowever, in spite of these constitutional and legal provisions, the ground reality is that women take over not obtained adequate and proportionate representation in the legislative and other decision-making bodies. There is certainly a need for women’s much effective role in decision-making processes for the democratic and constitutional assurances of equal citizenship and rights in the Indian Constitution to become a reality at the operational level. Citizenship is linked to political participation and representation.\r\n escape of ability and opportunity to participate in the political system implies a lack of full rank in the system. For true equality to become a reality for women, the sharing of power on equal terms with men is essential. But the re ality is that women prevent to be marginally represented even in areas where the various policies have a direct rival on them. There is still a great gap between constitutional guarantees and the actual representation of women in the political system in India Political Mobilization and Participation\r\nHistorically virtually(prenominal) women have been alert in the informal political sphere in terms of political mobilization and they have participated in large numbers in political demonstrations and mass agitations as wholesome as in the activities of nationalist and political bodies and organizations. The political mobilization and participation of women has been impressive in the Indian National Movement, in revolutionary Left movements, anti-price surface stirs, on jurisprudence on rape, against the practice of widow immolation, in the anti-liquor movements and movements against disforestation etc.\r\nDuring the National Movement against colonialism women were mobilized a ctively particularly under Gandhi’s leadinghip and women’s organizations within the political parties participated actively in the cause against colonialism for type in the Civil Disobedience Movements and Salt Satyagraha etc. But once freedom was won, the women’s wings were more or less marginalized and assigned areas that earlier dealt with women and children or other ‘ well- being’ activities and women’s organizations ended up playing University of Delhi BA Programme II buns Course 6\r\nHuman Rights, Gender & Environment a secondary and collateral role to the male leadership in power. The leaders of such(prenominal) organizations were seldom women with independent political careers unless they were from political families with the backing of male political activists. It is worth noting that the political mobilization of women and their participation in elections has steadily add since the first General Elections of 1952. (Table 2, 3, 4 & 5). among 1952 â€1980 for instance, women’s participation increased by 12% against the turnout of men which increased by unless 6%.\r\nIn the general elections of 2004, the all India percentage of women voter turnout was 48%. As regards women voters’ turnout, from 37. 1 per cent in the first general elections in 1952 it increased gradually over the years to 55. 6 by 1999. Notably, the gap between female and male voters was 15. 9 per cent in 1952, but it decrease slowly over winnerive elections and came down to 8. 4 per cent in 1996 (Table 3). It has remained at 8. 3 per cent in 2004 general elections. (Deshpande: 2004) This percentage increase in the turnout of women in elections has however not ranslated into a larger number of women being represented in the legislative bodies. Competitive elections and democracy has not unavoidably led to violate political representation of women in Indian politics. The candidates fielded by the various politica l parties are still predominantly male and women account for only five to ten percent of all candidates across parties and regions.\r\nAs reflected in Table 6, the percentage of representation of women in the Lok Sabha varies from 4. 4 in 1952 to 8. 1 in 1984, declining to 5. 2 in 1989, rising to 7. 9 in 1998 and 9. 2 in 1999 and again declining to 8. 1 in 2004. In Rajya Sabha, proportion of female members started with 7. 3 per cent in 1952 and rose to 15. 5 per cent in 1991, but again declined to 6 per cent in 1998 and rose to 10. 3 per cent in 2005, again slightly declining to 9. 9 per cent in 2006. (Table 7). On the whole the representation of women in Parliament (Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha) and the State Assemblies remains low. (Tables 8, 9 & 10). Thus condescension the increase in electoral participation of women, their representation in the formal political structures has not changed much. Table 11) though voting is an important indicator of political participation and mob ilization, it is not ineluctably indicative of representation. select is a tool of political equality and it mobilizes women but voting by itself does not resolve in the desired end of equality. nigh all parties vie with each other in appealing to women’s votes at the time of elections but very few women get to contest in the elections. Almost all parties hesitate to field women candidates.\r\nHence the number of women candidates fielded by various political parties has always been very low as compared to their numbers in the population. Table 12) Though a large number of women participate in voting, their low numbers in decision making bodies including those of political parties in India is notable. (Table 14) Among women who manage to scrape up in the political echelons, in spite of their ability in administration and the art of political articulation, very few women reach the level of cabinet ministers. Mostly they remain deputy ministers or ministers of state. When w omen reach the few ministerial positions, they are generally assigned University of Delhi BA Programme II Foundation Course Human Rights, Gender & Environment portfolios in the social gain sectors of Health, Education, Social Welfare, Women and Child Development etc. (Human Development in South Asia:2000) Representation By the 1980s, issues elevated by the women’s movements in India led to political parties realizing the immenseness of female voters and women’s wings became active. Mainstream political parties became advised of women as a constituency and this was reflected in their election manifestoes and their considering women as candidates with potential votes.\r\nBy the ninth Lok Sabha elections in 1989, one could find a conscious centre on women’s issues in the manifestoes of political parties. However, this did not translate into more pose for women in the political bodies and most parties resorted to tokenism and symbolism when it came to repr esentation of women. Women issues were not taken up by parties in a skilful manner nor translated into programmes, policies and legislation nor were they commandmentd specifically to address issues of women. Almost all political parties set up a women’s cell or wing but they worked as ancillary bodies. Very few women were able to capture lay of power.\r\nThe number of women in the legislatures remained very small. Very few women reached the position of caller electric chair or leader of legislative caller. (Ranjana Kumari:1994). More belatedly major political parties have indeed do a conscious effort to cause more women into the various levels of the party organization. The CPM has do an effort to induct more women into its district committees and state level bodies. The membership of women in the party however remains below 10%. But the membership of women in mass organizations as the Kisan Sabha and the CITU has shown an amelioration.\r\nThe CPM changed its stanc e on gender-based engagement only after 1988. The BJP had the highest percentage of women in decision-making bodies from the Parliamentary circuit card and the Election Committee down to the ward level. (Rita Manc makea:1998). Traditionally, the sexual congress Party has fielded the largest number of women candidates and has had the largest number of women members in Parliament though the congress working Committee has a rather low level of representation of women. In spite of the efforts of political parties to induct more women, the extent of representation of women has not changed much.\r\nThe number of women candidates in the 1998 parliamentary elections was not even half the number of women in the 1996 elections. In 1998 on that point were only 274 women candidates as against 599 in the 1996 elections. In the general elections in 1999, the same proportion of women were put up for elections by both the parties favoring the 84th Amendment circuit card on the reservation for women in Parliament and the parties which were impertinent to it. (Rita Manchanda:1998). The Congress Party led by a woman had only 10% of women among the candidates. The BJP and the CPM had 7% of women among the candidates. Jayati Ghosh:1999). The idea of 33% reservation for women in parliament was actively endorsed by most of the major University of Delhi BA Programme II Foundation Course 8 Human Rights, Gender & Environment political parties and this had raised conceptualiseation that many more women would be propose to contest the elections. The election manifestoes and the public pronouncements of parties as well as the print and electronic media highlighted the idea of women’s representation by reservation or by nomination of more women for elections signifying a more conscious political stand on women’s representation.\r\nHowever, these stances did not translate actually into more nomination of women candidates during elections. umpteen parties ended up allotting some seats to women candidates only as a token and to symbolize their pro women egalitarian policy. (Table 12) In the inner party structures in the decision-making levels and the posts within the party, women are even less represented in most political parties. Women have a very low representation if at all in the actual decision-making bodies and rarely influence the more important party policies (Table 14).\r\nMost often they are relegated to the ‘women’s wing’ of the party where they are demand to deal with what are considered to be â€Å"women’s issues’ such as dowry and rape cases and some quantify on more general concerns like price rise which are considered to affect ‘housewives’. Issues like child and family welfare are largely seen as women issues, and falling in a realm which is not political. By and large a masculine view of political priorities is in operation.\r\nMost of the women’s wings of political p arties have very little power and have just any say in the decision making and important policy matters. Political parties assert that it is tough to get sufficiently qualified women candidates. Other arguments have also been advanced. It has been held that women are not independent voters; a majority of them are illiterate; a majority of them make their choice on the basis of suggestions from male members of their families-husbands or sons; women lack information and political sensory faculty or that women are not politically conscious.\r\nOn the other hand, in reality women have been active and vocal both in times of stay and crisis. They have been active in movements of peace, women and child welfare, mountain unionism, food adulteration, price rise and deforestation and many other issues. Power rather than Representation The real reason for the low political representation of women in the formal political structures and decision making levels, seems to lie in the compulsion s of competitive elections and the quest for power by the political parties in a multiparty democracy.\r\nIncreasingly the compulsions of the political parties due to narrow majorities, precarious coalitions and hung parliaments have made the question of power rather than that of representation the find factor. Women’s issues and women’s participation and representation are encouraged only within the parameters of power and are constrained by the basic objectives and interest of the parties every to capture power or survival, if in power. While women are mobilized to vote by all the parties, at the stage of distributing tickets University of Delhi\r\nBA Programme II Foundation Course 9 Human Rights, Gender & Environment for standing for elections, the number of women drops dramatically. At this stage, political parties are driven more by power considerations with an eye on the ‘winnability’ of the candidates from the angle of the prospect of governme nt formation. Women lose out at this stage as the imperative of ‘winnability’ seems to compel political parties to deny tickets to women unless they are sure to win. Women are considered to have less chances of winning, which is not necessarily true.\r\nIn the 1996 elections, Uttar Pradesh had the largest number of women candidates contesting the elections: 55 for 85 seats. In Rajasthan 17 women contested in 25 constituencies. Orissa had 10 for 21 constituences and in West Bengal, 21 women contested in 42 constituencies. However Kerala with better social indicators including female literacy had only 4 women contesting. A total of 599 women contested the elections. With all this women constituted only 3. 4% of the total number of contestants. In 1998 at that place were only 274 women candidates out of a total of 4750 candidates contesting the elections.\r\nIn 1999, out of 284 women who contested, 49 won, the success rate being 17. 3% and for men it was 11. 3 %. Women th erefore had a better percentage of winning. In the General Elections of 2004, out of 355 women who contested from the main Political Parties, 44 won, the success rate being 12. 4 % whereas men’s success rate was 9. 8 %. (Table 5). It is interesting to timbre that though the number of women representatives in Parliament has not been very impressive their success rate in terms of percentage of contestants getting elected had always been igher than that of the male contestants. Women of Power and Women in power in Indian Politics In spite of the low political representation of women in Indian politics, it must be noted that some women leaders have an important place in Indian politics today. Jayalalithaa as leader of AIADMK, Mamata Bannerji as leader of Trinamul Congress and Mayawati as leader of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) are instances in point. Some of them head important and strong regional political parties which have been in alliance with major national political parties b oth outside and in national government.\r\nEven though the rise of some of these women leaders might be linked to their proximity to male leaders, they now hold a position of leadership within the party in their own right who can influence the decisions of their own party as well as the course of national politics. In addition, the example of Indira Gandhi who rose to be fix Minister of India, and later of Sonia Gandhi, leader of the Congress Party, both of whom had the dynastic advantage underpinning their leadership and position of power and decision-making in the Congress Party and the government can simply be ignored.\r\nBut the positions of authority of these women leaders did not include any specific mandate to address only women issues. In this sense as leaders of political parties, they were as power driven as their male peers. Political leadership by women is not University of Delhi BA Programme II Foundation Course 10 Human Rights, Gender & Environment dramatically different from that of men. Women leaders are no better or worse than men. Nor have women leaders been typically anxious to give greater representation to other women within their own organizations or in the political process generally.\r\nRepresentation of women has not necessarily increased greatly under the leadership of women. In fact interestingly the 73rd Constitutional amendment and the policy and implementation of 33% reservation for women in Panchayats genuine strong support and impetus due to Rajiv Gandhi’s interest and advocacy in the matter. Thus the Indian political system cannot be said to be non-receptive to the emergence and dominance of women leaders even though the political representation of women has not particularly registered a significant increase over the last 14 general elections.\r\nWhile on the one hand most women politicians have found it difficult to rise within male dominated party hierarchies, on the other hand some women have managed to become leaders when they have set up parties of their own. erstwhile they have established themselves as leaders, there has been an implicit acceptance of their leadership and decisions by the party rank and file, even if it is largely male. Women in parliament or legislatures do not necessarily confine themselves to women issues only.\r\nIn the absence of a specific mandate for representing women issues, most of them feel that they represent both men and women of their constituencies. ilk men they are drawn into the game of power with all its ruthlessness even though women’s approach to politics may not be identical to that of men. In fact even the women’s wings or organizations of parties are not necessarily marked by kind of feminist attitude or sensitivity.\r\nAlso, the patriarchal articulations whether by male politicians and leaders or internalized by women candidates in presenting themselves as ‘bahus’ and ‘betis’ relying on traditional pa triarchal notions of femininity are not absent in Indian politics. Many times women public figures do adapt to and adopt male priorities predominating in public life in army to be acceptable. Many women internalize the norms and roles of patriarchal political structures and merely replicate them instead of questioning them, resulting in reinforcing existing hierarchies of power.\r\nQuestions have been raised as to whether an increase in numerical strength of women in the political process and decision making bodies automatically leads to a qualitative shift in power and whether women on balance pay greater attention to the concerns of women more than male politicians. Problems of tokenism, visibility, marginality etc. are often discussed in referring to women as a ‘ minority’ operating in a male domain. Women’s rights and responsibilities to participate equally in political life should not however be treated as a ‘minority’ issue.\r\nThe political s pace must belong to all citizens †women and men. There is no doubt that fewer the women in public life the lesser the likelihood of distinctively female values, priorities and characteristics finding expression. Hence women’s involvement in political University of Delhi BA Programme II Foundation Course 11 Human Rights, Gender & Environment process and decision-making in greater numbers can make a significant difference. Does that mean that only people similar to a group can represent its interests? This may not necessarily be true.\r\nIn this context it is important to examine what interests women in the public/political sphere are furthering. It could be argued that issues important to women could be sensibly represented as well by male Members of Parliament. But many strongly feel that without a sufficient female presence in the national and other decision making bodies, it seems unlikely that issues which women as a group are more habituated to be faced with â € concerning reproduction or ambitious other inequalities within the social and economic sphere †would be adequately addressed.\r\nWhile it is considered important to pay off women to positions of power, it is equally necessary to sensitize those in power whether men or women about gender. Along with this the importance of women’s economic independence, education and awareness and their improvement in the socio economic sphere can hardly be stressed. The restructuring of gender relations within both the family and society is an equally important step towards freedom, equality and justice. Representation through Reservation Various strategies have been proposed to further the political representation of women in India.\r\nFrom a reservation of 33% seats at various levels including the Parliament, it has also been suggested that political parties reserve 33% of their seats for women in the elections. The Bharatiya Janata Party recently announced such a reservation in i ts organization. However, it has been questioned whether women constitute an uniform category and whether collective identification and mobilization of women as a ‘disadvantaged’ group in general on the basis of gender is a practicable proposition in the politically accepted sense of the term particularly in view of rank and class differences among them.\r\nMere presence of women in Parliament even if greater in numbers allow not mean much unless they are rightfully representative of women’s concerns covering all categories. In the ongoing debate about reservation of seats for women in the Parliament it has been pointed out that an undifferentiated reservation for women go out reinforce the existing inequalities in women’s access to positions of power. It is the elite and politicized families from which there is a debonnaire entry for women in politics.\r\nWomen playing appurtenant roles to males in the family and emerging from their shadows have a lso found late entry. Another trend has been the entry of widows of prominent political figures into politics and positions of power. On the whole the important factors for women’s active presence in politics in India as trends show are in general: family background, political influence, family financial position, existing involvement in politics, literacy, local conditions, campaign strategy, influence within the party and personality traits etc. rather than only competence, efficiency and merit.\r\nThe combined result of all these factors is that very few women manage to get or are given party tickets. If the factors of University of Delhi BA Programme II Foundation Course 12 Human Rights, Gender & Environment economic dependence, prohibitive election costs, threats of violence and character assassination are added, even fewer can get seats in the legislature. In any case, it is argued by those in favour of reservation, there is no doubt that democracy and representat ion will be strengthened with compulsorily more presence of women through reservation.\r\nThis is evident from the impact of the implementation of 33% reservation of seats for women in the local bodies (panchayats) in India by the 73rd Constitutional Amendment as a result of which the representation of women in the formal structures of governance at the local level has recorded a tranquillise increase. (Table 13). Women’s presence at the decision making levels will not only enhance the status of women but will also strengthen democratic traditions and make democracy more meaningful in fighting injustice and oppression while at the same time help to bring a different, explicitly female perspective to the political arena.\r\nUnless women are brought into the decision-making levels directly, important women issues will never be tackled with the unassumingness they require. In addition, democracy demands the regard for not only the interests of those who support in elections bu t also the aspirations of those who expect to be represented. The recognition of the right of every citizen to participate in public decisions is a basic component part of democracy, which, to be effective, requires that the needs and interests of all members of the society are respected and represented.\r\nEven if others might claim to represent them, there is no guarantee of justice and equity if one half of the population is consistently excluded from taking part fully in decision making as is the case with women in Indian politics and governance. There is therefore need for more comprehensive processes of achieving representation. The value of inclusion of women in governance and decision-making institutions lies in the diversity of experiences women will bring to governance whether there are ‘female’ concerns or not.\r\nComprehensive representation would be obtained if women constituting half the population find a proportionate number of seats in government. en d point It is important to stress that like the equal right to vote, participation and representation in legislative bodies may not in itself be enough for women’s political empowerment or to remedy the problems of discrimination faced by women in Indian society. comparability with equity is a goal which may not easily be achieved only by high representation of women in legislatures and other public bodies but has to be buttressed by other supportive measures.\r\nEven so, the demand for reservation of seats for women in political bodies to rectify the imbalance has gained strength in India in the light of persisting gender gaps in the various spheres of development. In the absence of any heartrending political selfcorrection so far, the demand for reservation of seats in legislatures and party structures has been stressed in India aiming at such an equitable representation. University of Delhi BA Programme II Foundation Course 13 Human Rights, Gender & Environment\r\nWh ile the steady increase in the electoral participation and mobilization of women in India has increased the visibility of women in the legislative politics this has not happened in the exercise of executive and judicial power due to their lack of presence in the decision making structures. From this perspective, the important question is what are the benefits of democracy for women.. Electoral participation and quotas through affirmative action alone are not enough to result in gender equity.\r\n'